Issue 87 of INTERNATIONAL SOCIALISM JOURNAL Published Summer 2000 Copyright © International Socialism
In certain circles, Kevin Danaher is a bit of an American idol. He's not a movie star and he hasn't released a single that made it to the top ten. But for a growing section of young people whose lives have been changed since the Battle of Seattle, Danaher is becoming known as one of the leaders of the movement. Globalize This! The Battle Against the World Trade Organization and Corporate Rule is the most recent of Kevin Danaher's books. An edited collection, compiled with Roger Burbach, the book tells the story of what happened when the World Trade Organisation's Millennium Round meetings were halted in Seattle, Washington, at the end of November 1999. The contributors to the book are supporters, and many were participants, in that event--and in the months of organising that led to its success. They also continued to be participants in the numerous struggles, small and large, that have taken place since, consciously identifying with the movement for global justice.
Globalize This! is not only a book worth reading for its content. Collectively, the articles present a window into the new movement. There is a sense of the new mood of struggle--the anger, the passion, and a remarkable clarity of purpose in challenging a system gone bad, combined with a searching confusion and diversity of strategies about what system to put in its place.
The book combines 24 articles under four headings: 'What Happened in Seattle and What Does it Mean?'; 'Dealing With Diversity'; 'The Case Against the WTO'; and 'Ways to Restructure the Global Economy'. The editors are among the various leaders of non-governmental organisations (NGOs), including researchers, academics and activists, from the US, Canada, Europe, India, the Philippines, Nigeria, Mexico and Malaysia. Kevin Danaher is a co-founder of the NGO Global Exchange, and editor of Corporations are Gonna Get Your Mama: Globalization and the Downsizing of the American Dream, and 50 Years is Enough: the Case Against the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund; Roger Burbach is the director of the Center for the Study of the Americas in Berkeley, California, and author of Globalization and its Discontents. Other noted contributors are Susan George, Manning Marable, Vandana Shiva, Walden Bello and Tony Clarke.
The collection expresses the sense of optimism and accomplishment that has arisen in the aftermath of the successful protest in Seattle. William Greider, foreign affairs correspondent for The Nation and author of One World, Ready or Not: The Manic Logic of Global Capitalism, expresses it this way:
One of the most interesting articles is written by Martin Khor, director of the Third World Network, based in Penang, Malaysia. In a short, journalistic piece titled 'Seattle Debacle: Revolt of the Developing Nations', Khor describes the deepening fissure within the WTO between Third World nations on one side, and the nations of the EU and the US on the other. The protesters in Seattle, who were facing down police batons and pepper spray, forced open a divide within the world's ruling class that had been threatening to widen for some years.
As Khor summarises:
Weeks prior to the Seattle meeting, the North/South conflict had been raging at WTO headquarters in Geneva. Five years after the WTO was founded, developing nations had failed to see the promised benefits of a new era of free trade. Moreover, they were facing repeated challenges under the WTO regulations to accessing Northern markets. What Khor refers to as the 'untransparent procedures' of the WTO included a series of so called 'green room' meetings where crucial issues would be decided among selected groups of delegates in closed door sessions with members of the ruling 'Quad' states--the US, Canada, the EU and Japan. Most developing nations were routinely excluded from the green room meetings.
Conflicts over these procedures had compelled US trade representative Charlene Barshevsky, who presided over the Seattle process, to 'promise to run a transparent meeting'. Yet on the second day of the Millennium Round talks, Barshevsky announced her 'right' as chair to 'use procedures of her own choosing to get a Declaration out of the meeting'. Barshevsky, with WTO director-general Mike Moore, set up a series of green room meetings, some of which were organised to run simultaneously, on the key issues of disagreement in Seattle. A typical green room meeting included the delegates from the major powers, plus those from a few selected developing countries:
Other articles address the agenda of the WTO, the process of organising the 'modern pilgrimage' that succeeded in transporting literally tens of thousands of activists across the US to demonstrate in Seattle, debates over non-violence and direct action tactics, the distortions of the media, the police repression, international solidarity, and how to increase the representation of blacks and people of colour in the movement. Manning Marable, director of the Institute for Research in African-American Studies at Columbia University in New York City and author of numerous works on racism in America, summarises the sense of unity in a common struggle that characterises this collection:
The largest and most significant protest to date following Seattle took place in the capital city of the US--Washington DC--when the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank met in April.
Kevin Danaher and Roger Burbach rushed to complete Globalize This! for release at the 14 April teach-in in Washington DC, organised by the International Forum on Globalisation, that preceded the main demonstration two days later. Many of the contributors to the book were also speakers at the Washington teach-in.
When people take on the most powerful international ruling class organisations in the world and the armed force of the most powerful state in the world mobilises to stop them, the thirst for ideas rises exponentially. The publications rooms on the second floor of the Foundry United Methodist Church where the teach-in was held were packed out. There was a continuous queue at the table featuring Danaher and Burbach's new book. When he wasn't behind the podium, Danaher was one among many of the speakers who were talking to people about how to organise, writing down names and e-mail addresses, marking down dates in diaries, making plans for the next events.
Some 1,500 people attended the teach-in. Tickets were sold out well in advance, then tickets for the overflow video room were sold out. Then there was another hall booked with a one hour delay video replay for the overflow of the overflow. The 36 speakers addressed a packed crowd from 10am to 11pm, only breaking for one hour in the evening. At no time were there any less than 800 in attendance.
One of the speakers was Oronto Douglas, a leading human rights lawyer from Nigeria. Douglas was one of the lawyers on the defence team for Ogoni leader Ken Saro-Wiwa before he was executed by the Nigerian military government in 1995. Ken Saro-Wiwa was supposedly executed for murder, but he was not even in the town where the crime he was alleged to have committed took place. He was actually murdered in a show trial for his challenge to the devastating effects of Shell Oil. Here's what Oronto Douglas said:
In April in Washington DC, the people stood up. They faced down the police, and in the aftermath there is a renewed sense of commitment to carry on the struggle.
In many ways, the events in Washington indicated a political advance from Seattle. One of the key debates among the organisers of the Seattle protest was whether to demand a complete shutdown of the WTO, or to reform it and make the WTO a more accountable and public institution. These debates are expressed in a number of the articles in Globalize This!7 But when practice surpassed theory, and the WTO was successfully shut down, an overwhelming united voice called for an escalation of the campaign. The goal of the 16 April demonstration was to shut down the IMF and the World Bank. From the time the Washington teach-in began on the morning of 14 April, this was the sentiment expressed by speaker after speaker.
Susan George, economist, author and longstanding activist against international free trade institutions, sent her regrets to the teach-in that she had to miss it due to illness. But when her statement was read to the audience, the house shook with thunderous applause:
The teach-in was held in the Foundry United Methodist Church. This is the same church that Bill and Hillary Clinton attend on the Sundays they are in Washington. This is where Bill Clinton went to seek forgiveness when he faced impeachment for his 'moral indiscretions'. On 14 April, there was no spirit of forgiveness in these halls. There was a spirit of resistance. This was the spirit that brought out 35,000 on 16 April, marching to chants like, 'This is what democracy looks like', 'Ain't no power like the power of the people, 'cause the power of the people don't stop!', and, 'One solution! Revolution!'
Washington DC was an armed camp. The immense police and army presence--the blockades, the teargas, the mass arrests--all this didn't deter the resolve of the demonstrators. Everyone who participated knew the IMF and the World Bank were organisations committed to increasing world poverty, not to its elimination. The delegates to the meetings of the IMF and the World Bank were on the defensive from the beginning, even before the first demonstrations. The meetings were able to proceed, though not without difficulty. But after Washington, the whole world learned the real agenda of the IMF and the World Bank. Canadian journalist Naomi Klein, who attended the Washington demonstrations, summarised their impact:
What Washington lacked was the mass participation of the labour movement that had marked the Teamster-turtle alliance in Seattle. Seattle was a turning point. Washington was different--it marked a movement with a history, a history that started with the Seattle events. Everyone, on every side, had learned from Seattle. The Washington police were determined to teach the Seattle cops how to hold down a city in the face of mass protest. The anarchists who had been at the centre of the successful direct action battles in Seattle were now part of widespread debates about tactics, including the need for collective discipline, mass action strategies, and militancy without random violence.
Lori Wallach, a researcher for Public Concern and a resident of Washington DC, had this to say at the 14 April teach-in:
And the leadership of the American labour federation, the AFL-CIO, compelled by pressure from below to endorse the 16 April demonstration and to send a speaker to the rally, also learned from Seattle. This time, they didn't want to be embarrassed, as they were when the WTO meeting took place, by masses of rank and file workers breaking from the controlled protests and joining young people in illegal direct action. Having tied their wagon to the electoral machine of the US Democratic Party, they organised a protectionist demonstration against China's entry into the WTO earlier in the week.
How the working class and the labour movement fits into the picture of the struggle to transform global capitalism is now a pressing question for the movement. Globalize This! includes a number of articles grappling with the challenges of what is to be done. The sentiment is clearly, consciously anti-capitalist, but an understanding of the central, strategic power of the working class is absent. Instead working class participation is seen as one element, if a welcome and important one, in a long list of interests fighting against a common enemy.
Inevitably, a type of militant pragmatism is compelled to draw conclusions that are either utopian or reformist, but lacking the necessary revolutionary strategy to implement reforms of such magnitude. The former is expressed by the director of the Polaris Institute in Canada, Tony Clarke, who romanticises the United Nations and calls for an Alternative Investment Treaty under its enforcement.9 Alternatively Deborah James, director of Global Exchange's Fair Trade Coffee Programme, proposes cancellation of Third World debt--an excellent transitional demand but the implementation of which will depend upon mass, organised working class support.10 As John Rees put the case after the Seattle events:
Now, after Seattle, after Washington, the audience ready and eager to engage in such an argument is great indeed. In fact, there is no patience in this movement; instead there is an urgent demand for clarity. Kevin Danaher and Roger Burbach's book is an important indication of just how receptive this audience is. The last word goes to them: