Why bother with Marxist philosophy and with dialectics in particular when it is so often presented as difficult, obscure and irrelevant to practical politics? The answer is because, in fact, it is an essential aid to revolutionary practice. Firstly it underpins, unites and informs all the specific theories of Marxism (of the class struggle, of surplus value, of the declining rate of profit, and of the state) which are so vital for understanding and changing the world. Secondly, and even more important, it is a direct and crucial element in revolutionary ideas and revolutionary leadership, especially at historical turning points and moments of acute crisis.
The dialectic is the logic of change through contradiction. It is the general theory of the processes involved in one totality in other words, one system or given state of affairs changing into another on the basis of its internal contradictions that is, the opposing forces at work within it. The dialectic is, therefore, especially useful in the solution of the most difficult theoretical problems, such as understanding the transition from one stage of capitalism to another (the rise of imperialism or the development of state capitalism, for example), or from one phase of the class struggle to another.
In a revolutionary leader a dialectical 'instinct' or 'habit of thought' is essential for decisive action in a complex situation. The best example I know of dialectical thinking is of Lenin in September and October 1917 bombarding the Bolshevik central committee with letters insisting on the absolute urgency of insurrection.
Dialectics, therefore, is not for sounding sophisticated in academic seminars or for sectarian point scoring but for revolutionary theory and practice at its most serious. John Rees's firm grasp of this point is the great strength of The Algebra of Revolution and what distinguishes it from the vast bulk of existing material on this subject, which tends to divide between academic obscurantism and Stalinist mechanical dogma.
The book begins with an account of the contradictions of capitalism today and of the basic concepts and structure of the dialectic and it demonstrates in a highly accessible way the relevance
of the dialectic in understanding these contradictions. It then takes us through the history of the development of the dialectic from Hegel, via Marx, Engels, the Second International, Lenin, Lukács and Trotsky to a brief rebuttal of recent anti-dialecticians such as Althusser, the postmodernists and the analytical Marxists.
Taken as a whole it is without doubt a tour de force. Its outstanding characteristic is its exceptional lucidity the way in which it deals with what are by any standards difficult theoretical issues without oversimplification but with superb clarity. Particularly worthy of mention is the account and critique of Hegel. Hegel is a notoriously difficult thinker and writer, capable of giving the finest brains a headache, and Marx famously expressed his desire, if he could find the time, to 'make accessible to the ordinary human intelligence...what is rational in the method Hegel discovered but at the same time enveloped in mysticism'. This is exactly what John Rees has managed to do.
For this reason many people will call this a work of Hegelian Marxism. If by this is meant that Rees, following Marx himself and all the major figures in the classical Marxist tradition, pays fulsome tribute to 'that mighty thinker' and his legacy, then this is fair enough. If, however, it is meant to suggest that he espouses some specially Hegelianised version of Marxism in opposition to the classical Leninist-Trotskyist tradition, then it is a misnomer. Rees's account of Marx's critique of the Hegelian dialectic is meticulous. Not content with repeating Marx's famous comment about standing Hegel on his feet, Rees is careful to show how the materialist inversion of the dialectic from primarily a struggle of ideas to primarily a struggle of opposed material and social forces necessarily affects its structure. The dialectic of the concept can all too easily be seen as a closed predetermined development in which the outcome of the process is already inscribed in its beginning. The dialectic of living social forces is, by contrast, open and non-deterministic. In other words, socialism is not inevitable the alternative remains socialism or barbarism.
Among Marxists it is probably the chapter on Lukács that will cause most controversy. Rees concedes some significant weaknesses in Lukács' definition of Marxism and his theory of class consciousness (which he supplements with Gramsci's important theory of contradictory consciousness) but essentially he offers a strong defence of Lukács' History and Class Consciousness against its critics. It is a well argued case and on a number of the disputed issues very convincing. Moreover it shows, contrary to received opinion, that Lukács did not deny the existence of a dialectic of nature. All this is very valuable and certainly it is better to defend History and Class Consciousness than to dismiss it. Nevertheless the account offered here is, in my judgement, too uncritical and in particular fails to pick up on the element of idealist elitism in Lukács' notion of ascribed class consciousness.
My other criticism concerns an omission rather than a disagreement. I would have liked to see more on the significance of the dialectic for recent theoretical problems such as the permanent arms economy, the trade union bureaucracy, the Labour Party and the national question. But this is a minor point which in no way detracts from the central fact about The Algebra of Revolution which is that it is a brilliantly clear exposition and vindication of the much neglected and maligned core of Marxist philosophy. For every socialist who wants to develop their understanding of Marxism, this book is essential reading.
The Algebra of Revolution John Rees Routledge. Special Bookmarks pre-publication offer Ł10.95